Oklahoma Politics

The preliminary hearing over the bribery charges against state Rep. Randy Terrill and former state Sen. Debbe Leftwich has all the ingredients of an Okie political spectacle, rife with colorful language, a stealth political campaign, a cautionary drinking tale, an exclusive country club and a nonpartisan hug around the neck.

Terrill, a Moore Republican, pictured right, is accused in a bribery felony count of offering Leftwich, an Oklahoma City Democrat, a job at the medical examiner’s office if she wouldn’t run for re-election. Allegedly, according to prosecutors, Terrill wanted to make it easier for his friend, state Rep. Milk Christian, an Oklahoma City Republican, to run for the senate seat. Leftwich is accused of accepting and/or soliciting a bribe.

As a longtime journalist and writer in the state, I’ve written about a lot of political shenanigans here in Oklahoma, and the charges in this case actually don’t seem unlike what I perceive as just business as usual at the state Capitol and in politics in general. I wouldn’t presume to ascribe guilt, though I do appreciate how the hearing has made the state political process here more transparent. I also appreciate the exquisite Okie flavor.

Here are some of those flavorful highlights:

• Cherokee Ballard, another longtime journalist in the state and an administrative official in the medical examiner’s office, testified that Terrill told her about the $80,000-a-year position he wanted created and mentioned that Leftwich was interested in the job. Ballard said Terrill referred to their conversation as “dead man’s talk.” We must presume, I guess, that “dead man’s talk” means that everyone in the room should keep the conversation quiet, though media reports about this aspect of the case fail to put it in any context. I’m left wondering why Terrill didn’t just say something like “hey, let’s keep this quiet” or “hey, this is just between you and me.” Of course, that wouldn’t hold as much mystery or pizazz. Score one for Terrill here.
  
  
• In his testimony, according to media reports, Christian said he was running a “stealth campaign” for Leftwich’s senate seat and wasn’t truthful with her when she asked about it. The language here ups the rhetorical ante for every politician in the state who thinks about running for office but doesn’t really announce it. Think stealth bomber coming in undetected, and then, wham, bam, boom, political victory, all because of the stealth. Nice.
  
  
• Christian, according to a media report, testified he had drank a little too much at a party in May, 2010, and was “running my mouth” over rumors related to the whole affair. That’s an old, cautionary tale, true. Shut your piehole when on the sauce.. But there’s more. The party, according to reports, was at the Oklahoma City Golf & Country Club as in Nichols Hills, as in the local hangout of the 1 percent. No VZD’s or Cock O’ The Walk here. It’s only the finest for our dedicated politicians. Pass the Grey Poupon, please.
  
  
• And, finally, according to testimony, when Leftwich apparently found out about Christian’s mouth running, she approached him, hugged his neck and told him to be quiet about the alleged job deal. That’s a nonpartisan hug, folks, Democrat on Republican. Is that how things roll at the Capitol? Maybe our political system, in general, needs more drinking and more hugging.

Again, I wouldn’t presume guilt in the case. Leftwich never got a job. Former Gov. Brad Henry vetoed a bill that would have created the position. Politicians, in their essence, make deals and do favors and hang out at country clubs. That’s part of our political system, whether you consider it broken or not. But what’s interesting here is how the hearing has revealed insider details about one state political deal gone awry, and, for that Okie entertainment, we should all be grateful.

Unless there’s another energy boom soon in Oklahoma, the state will continue to experience slow population growth because of its current political milieu and anti-education bias.

For some Oklahomans, that might be fine, but for those interested in ensuring the state remains viable, slow or no population growth will mean a stagnant tax base and a stagnant business climate. This will only lead to less population growth, and the problem will only become larger.

These ideas should be placed into public discussion because the U.S. Census has released preliminary population estimates for 2009. As of July 1, 2009, the state had a population of 3,687,050, which is only 236,396 larger than 2000. At that growth rate, the state will only top 4 million around 2020. That’s not dynamic growth to say the least.

In a video discussing the recent numbers, The Oklahoman editor Ed Kelley argued population growth here needs to be greater and that the state could ultimately lose another Congressional seat in the House. He also argued that entrepreneurs want to work and live in places that are “growing.” They also want a “smart, educated workforce,” Kelley said.

All that is true, but Kelley ignores the elephant in the room: Oklahoma’s national image continues to suffer because of politicians here pushing their religious and social agendas and because the state funds education at some of the lowest rates in the nation.

Let’s take state Rep. Sally Kern (R-Oklahma City). She has infamously said homosexuality is a greater threat to the nation than terrorism. This comment drew national attention at a time when cultural attitudes about gay rights are becoming more accepting and tolerant. Her remarks and other political antics depict the state as an intolerant haven for misfit ideologues.

What about state Rep. Randy Terrill (R-Moore), who is part of a political corruption investigation? He brought us the recent draconian illegal immigration bill. His bill and his subsequent comments about it drew national attention and a lot of negative reaction. Why in the world would Oklahoma of all places lead the fight against illegal immigration? In the end, the bill makes the state seem unwelcoming of people from different countries.

Let’s not forget the recent abortion legislation that required women seeking the procedure to undergo an ultra sound of the fetus or the proposal to allow people to openly carry weapons.

All this political maneuvering has national implications. Sure, Arizona now has a stricter illegal-immigration law, but let’s face it: Oklahoma is no Arizona, and it doesn’t border Mexico. Oklahoma needs to present itself as a place that is tolerant, dynamic and welcoming to young people who want to start businesses or their careers here. The state, given the current population growth rate, can ill afford to alienate groups of people.

Meanwhile, Oklahoma ranks 49th in the nation on per-pupil spending in public schools, according to a recent report. It has the lowest per-pupil rate in the region. The state’s low funding rates are systemic and well known throughout the nation. Its college graduation rate continues to be below the national average. Everyone knows that. Recent budget cuts have increased the problem.

Oklahoma’s national image is in decline among the very people the state needs to attract, but don’t count on anything happening soon given the political extremism and anti-education bias here.

Former Gov. Henry Bellmon served Oklahoma with great distinction, and his death reminds us of a somewhat softer era in politics when it seemed almost natural that conservative and liberal politicians would work for bipartisan policies and programs to move the state forward.

Bellmon, a Republican who served two terms as governor and two terms as a U.S. Senator, died Tuesday at an Enid hospital. He was 88.

It makes sense that Gov. Brad Henry has called Bellmon his mentor, according to NewsOK.com. Henry has the same bipartisan political qualities that Bellmon possessed, the same independent streak. Henry rightly calls Bellmon “iconic” in Oklahoma’s history.

State media pundits and politicians have celebrated Bellmon and his career over the last two days. The late governor served as a model of political integrity. It’s difficult to overstate Bellmon’s importance to the state. He led the state through some extremely tough financial times in the 1980s, and he even served once as the director of the state’s Department of Human Services under former Gov. George Nigh, a Democrat. One could argue he was the driving force behind the GOP’s new ascendency in state politics.

When duty called, Bellmon was there. If anyone can represent so-called “Oklahoma values,” it was Bellmon, who was elected as the state’s first Republican governor in 1962. He was a man who avoided the limelight and pageantry of political power, a man with a strong work ethic, just as comfortable in casual clothes than a suit, a successful farmer as well as one of the state’s great leaders.

As a journalist, I interviewed Bellmon about his second race for governor in 1986. I found him to be a straight-forward person with no vested personal interests in the race, a man who didn’t mince words or use a lot of nuance. He wasn’t after power. He was running for governor because he felt the state needed him, and he was right, and the state’s residents were served well by his leadership.

One of Bellmon’s most important accomplishments, and one that seems so bipartisan in today’s political world, was his ability to help pass House Bill 1017 in 1990. The education bill improved school funding, reduced class sizes and increased teacher’s salaries. Bellmon pushed for the bill even as some politicians in his own party opposed him.

Bellmon’s political style was the antithesis of the constant bickering and extremism in today’s partisan politics. We need more leaders like him in Oklahoma these days.